Политика

On June 17, a year ago, the citizens of Veligrad voted for a new parliament like this: 40% for National Movement "Simeon II", 21% for Movement for Rights and Freedoms, 14% for Coalition for Bulgaria and 13% for United Democratic Forces. Of the nine seats in the National Assembly, five were won by NDSV (Milena Milotinova, Nadka Pangarova, Valentin Miltenov, Lyutskan Dalakchiev, Penka Peneva) and two each by Coalition for Bulgaria (Georgi Pirinski and Boyko Rashkov) and ODS (Ekaterina Mihaylova and Panayot Lyakov).

What happened for the past year of the coalition government of NDSV and DPS in Velingrad? It is right to ask this question, because under the magnifying glass of political scientists, sociologists and analysts are usually the processes of the Sofia yellow paving stones. And how any new power is projected in the countryside is a subject that is talked about and written a little. And, as a rule, it starts with clichs: "metals", "cadres decide everything", etc. There is truth in the clichs in large doses, and Velingradians with explainable interest stared at the footage: after all, one of the most powerful lobbies in the NDSV was connected with the landlady Vasil Bozhkov, another with the well-known in our latitudes Stoyan Ganev, etc. To the surprise of the citizens of Velingrad, the New Time personified itself with a known co-citizen: Lydia Shuleva stood side by side with Prime Minister Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha as one of his deputies and Minister of Labour and Social Policy. For the first time, Velingradchanka climbed to such a high level in the state hierarchy. And that was not all: it followed the appointment of the valedictorian from Secondary School "V. Levski "Svetla Yankulova (already as a young lawyer) for Parliamentary Secretary of the Ministry of Interior. In October 2001 came and the breakthrough in the previously inaccessible to local staff regional administration: Recep Mollaahmed from Sarnica became deputy district governor. At the local level, the personnel tremor started exactly as expected: with a large "broom" in the forest farms. The Minister of Agriculture did not hesitate to remove from the appetizing boss posts all previously appointed with the blessing of the BZNS-NS. They were replaced mainly by people from the NDSV's "Kadri" banks and especially the DPS - most with appointments "until a contest" was held, but within the past year such a miracle as a competition was not reached. Explainably, the staff tremor shook the director's place in the Base of the Council of Ministers and in the municipal service "Social Policy". There were also lighter tremors, and some of the expected ones have not yet taken place, but in earthquakes it is generally the case - the predictions of the day and time are almost excluded. If we compare, the yellow "sweeping" in Velingrad did not surpass the scale of previous ones at all. An example of an untenable tremor was the situation in the local government. The NDSV's categorical victory in the parliamentary elections is in no way projected in the local parliament, which continued to operate in a familiar configuration and the same way. The reason is not that the parties are much stronger, but more prosaic: the municipal council has long become hostage to another type of interest. Expectations (even hopes) that the NDSV will seek a way to influence what is happening in Velingrad are not justified so far. The only but big change is that the full synchronization between the local government and the district government was broken and as a result, much of the mayor's and council's intentions were stopped or delayed. Another example of a failed tremor is the situation in the local party structures that lost the parliamentary elections. The rule "Winners don't judge them" in Velingrad most calmly sounds like "Winners don't judge them". At the central level, changes in the leaders of the UDF and BSP are a fact. At the local level, the status quo remained: in December last year, the UDF re-elected the mayor of the municipality, Dr. Tsvetan Dafov, as its chairman; in April 2002. Toma Pachalov remained on the leadership post in BSP. The reasons, of course, are many and different, but it is significant that the two major parties did not look for new faces and took a waiting position in the really complicated political time (the behavior of the small parties is also analogous). There was more intrigue in the local DPS, but days ago it preferred a familiar and passed through the municipal government figure waiting for at last the internal unrest to subside and more supporters to feel the taste of power. For the main participants in the political life of the country - NDSV, on the local level, little can be said. The NDSV has been a party for a while, but this fact has not yet found its adequate expression on the ground. The result: Veligrad citizens hardly identify the NDSV with locals and transfer praise and complaints up - to ministers and MPs, although the latter do not visit Velingrad very often for meetings with voters. The exception is Dr. Nadka Pangarova, who was allocated by the NDSV to represent him in Velingrad. But in March this year. Dr. Pangarova left the NDSV PG and became an independent MP - another serious reason for the ruling party to remain without a bright presence at the local level. The important thing in all the changes and non-changes listed so far is whether they made our life better - as it sounded in the promises made by the NDSV candidates at their election meetings in Velingrad (see box). The first anniversary of the government is a logical occasion for everyone to divide these promises into columns "fulfilled" and "failed". If you don't like the result (probably you will), the reassurance remains that no miracles happen for 365 days. In fact, is there such reassurance or has the past year deprived a huge percentage of Bulgarians of another illusion of a miracle?... Elena Baeva