Velingrad did not give a real victory to anyone
05.07.2005 09:23
•
A week after the election emotions, it is time for a rational reading of how the residents of the municipality of Velingrad voted. What political direction voters' preferences are in can be seen when compared to the results of the 2001 parliamentary elections. And received on June 25, 2005. results also outline some trends for the next upcoming elections - on September 18 we will elect a mayor of the municipality for the third time. In the period from 2001 to 2005, so much happened in the municipality of Velingrad that nothing really is the same anymore. Today, the positions of the characters on the political scene have been too changed. The puzzle is rearranged and so the picture is completely different.
DPS - first, but unsatisfied
In 2005, for the first time, DPS took first place among the political forces in our municipality. The victory of the DPS was expected and predictable, because the elected leader of the list Fidel Beev twice won the elections for mayor of the municipality with results between 13 and 15 thousand votes. So the surprise was rather not the first place of the DPS, but that it was won with such a low score - 7700 votes. It is obvious that DPS-activists are not happy with such an election victory because they did not fulfill the main order of their leader Ahmed Dogan - to achieve at least several mandates from the Pazardzhik constituency. The main fault for this lies mainly with the municipality of Velingrad: the figures indicate that, unlike most other regions in the country here, the turnout in the settlements with a majority vote for DPS was about 50%. For comparison: in both mayoral elections F. Beev managed to get about 10,000 votes from the region alone, and this time the DPS list was trusted by fewer than 6,600 people. If the strategist A. Dogan hoped to make a breakthrough in Velingrad, and here the calculations did not turn out to be correct: the ballots for the DPS were 1069 - close to F. Beev won in the first round of the mayoral elections in the autumn of 2003. And that's too far from the 4,000 votes he took in the next mayoral election. In the DPS they have probably made all these accounts and will analyze whether they have chosen the most faithful strategy for the so-called. by Dogan "natural leader". And the most bitter will be this analysis for the second and third in the list of DPS - the regional leader Ahmed Hadzhiyski and the deputy governor mer Hamza, who in this deal the cards remained out of parliament.
BSP - second, but with a poor result for the district
Coalition for Bulgaria managed to increase its support from 2882 voters in 2001 to 4084 in 2005. The left definitely suffered from the participation of "Attack", for which 1,190 people voted in Velingrad and many of them right in traditionally "red" sections. BSP has grown compared to the local elections of 2003, yet at regional level the organization in Velingrad has one of the weakest results. A role for this was also played by the fact that the candidate-MP from Velingrad Assoc. Ivan Paligorov was a very good hit, on the unenviable 11th place in the list, and this demotivates some of the voters.
NDSV - third, but three times less
Three times fewer people voted for NSDV in the municipality of Velingrad compared to 2001. The yellows have robbed the vote in the two Roma neighborhoods of Anezica and Asphalt Base. They are the party outside the DPS, which has managed to garner the most votes in the villages by the municipality - about 400 (for comparison, about 350 people voted for BSP in the villages).
BNS - fourth, but first among right-wing
Although only 16 votes ahead of "Attack" coalition BNS ranked fourth in our municipality. The motor of the campaign here was the regional leader of BZNS-People's Union Ekaterina Kaferinova, who was second on the list. From this position, she together with the local headquarters of the BNS managed to make a lot of Velingradians to remember "number 12" in the ballot. A successful move was also the meeting with Stefan Sofiyanski at the very end of the election battle at the Olympus Hotel in Velingrad. For the result of the BNS, a serious share is also held by the 140 illustrators from Krastava, who also supported their mayor M. Eyupov, also a candidate MP. Thus, in the municipality of Velingrad, the BNS took a leading place among right-wing parties - practically garnering almost as many votes as the ODF and the DSB combined. The result of the coalition in Velingrad is among the best for BNS in Pazardzhik region, but proved insufficient to win a mandate.
"Attack" - fifth at the first participation Without any election campaign in the municipality, no concerts, PR-actions, no structures and with only a few posters coalition "Attack" gathered 1205 votes. During the campaign none of the more famous faces of the coalition reached Velingrad, but the leader of the list Dr. Petar Beron is well known in our city.
The fans of "Attack" are mainly from Velingrad and are evenly distributed in the three neighborhoods. In the two sections in Roma neighborhoods "Attack" won 1 vote, and in the villages from the municipality - 13 votes, which is within the possible errors in filling the new integral ballot.
ODS - sixth place equal to "Weak 2" The weakest of the weak - this is the ODS's performance of the parliamentary vote in Velingrad. And if in Pazarjishi constituency the UDF managed to hold third place among the political forces and take one mandate, then in our municipality the UDF scored one of the lowest results for the district. Despite the visit personally of the leader Nadezhda Mihailova and almost the entire list of candidate-deputies, the Blues took 646 votes in Velingrad and reached the bottom in their current electoral history. This is more than four times less than in 2001. And what about the achievement of 1997, when in Velingrad the UDF won 10,122 votes? Or for "blue" Draginovo, where now the UDF has 5 (!) votes, for the large structure in the UDF-run Sarnitsa, which achieved 51 votes, for 0 votes in St. Petka, where the mayor is officially led by the UDF? There is much to ask and answer the leaders of the blue organization in Velingrad and to look for the mistakes in themselves, because a huge part of the blue voters have only the pain and the bitterness of the shattered hopes.
DSB - seventh, but still parliamentary The local structure of DSB established last year for the first time appeared in elections. The 643 votes she received were not many, but still equal the votes of the ODF coalition. And this is by no means unimportant against the backdrop of the constant battle for supremacy in the right political space and the upcoming new elections in the municipality. For the presentation of DSB helped the meeting with Ivan Kostov, who was definitely the politician who gathered the largest audience in Velingrad during the past campaign. With list leader Ekaterina Mihailova, DSB did not win a mandate from our district. The party has shown that it has potential, but it needs strong structures.
The names by winners and losers in the parliamentary elections are already clear. However, it is too unclear who and how will rule Bulgaria. With the many parties and the fragmented political space, the new National Assembly is remarkably similar to the two last local parliaments in Velingrad. Here for years we have been witnessing how (not) this multi-party model works. On the basis of this experience, we can predict that the search for stable management at all is a task that is difficult to solve and there is always the danger that every decision is penultimate. The experience in Velingrad shows that if stability is achieved, it is the result of compromises, agreements and interests that next stage blow it up. We can only hope that the big parliament will still be different from the small one.
Elena Baeva
DPS - first, but unsatisfied
In 2005, for the first time, DPS took first place among the political forces in our municipality. The victory of the DPS was expected and predictable, because the elected leader of the list Fidel Beev twice won the elections for mayor of the municipality with results between 13 and 15 thousand votes. So the surprise was rather not the first place of the DPS, but that it was won with such a low score - 7700 votes. It is obvious that DPS-activists are not happy with such an election victory because they did not fulfill the main order of their leader Ahmed Dogan - to achieve at least several mandates from the Pazardzhik constituency. The main fault for this lies mainly with the municipality of Velingrad: the figures indicate that, unlike most other regions in the country here, the turnout in the settlements with a majority vote for DPS was about 50%. For comparison: in both mayoral elections F. Beev managed to get about 10,000 votes from the region alone, and this time the DPS list was trusted by fewer than 6,600 people. If the strategist A. Dogan hoped to make a breakthrough in Velingrad, and here the calculations did not turn out to be correct: the ballots for the DPS were 1069 - close to F. Beev won in the first round of the mayoral elections in the autumn of 2003. And that's too far from the 4,000 votes he took in the next mayoral election. In the DPS they have probably made all these accounts and will analyze whether they have chosen the most faithful strategy for the so-called. by Dogan "natural leader". And the most bitter will be this analysis for the second and third in the list of DPS - the regional leader Ahmed Hadzhiyski and the deputy governor mer Hamza, who in this deal the cards remained out of parliament.
BSP - second, but with a poor result for the district
Coalition for Bulgaria managed to increase its support from 2882 voters in 2001 to 4084 in 2005. The left definitely suffered from the participation of "Attack", for which 1,190 people voted in Velingrad and many of them right in traditionally "red" sections. BSP has grown compared to the local elections of 2003, yet at regional level the organization in Velingrad has one of the weakest results. A role for this was also played by the fact that the candidate-MP from Velingrad Assoc. Ivan Paligorov was a very good hit, on the unenviable 11th place in the list, and this demotivates some of the voters.
NDSV - third, but three times less
Three times fewer people voted for NSDV in the municipality of Velingrad compared to 2001. The yellows have robbed the vote in the two Roma neighborhoods of Anezica and Asphalt Base. They are the party outside the DPS, which has managed to garner the most votes in the villages by the municipality - about 400 (for comparison, about 350 people voted for BSP in the villages).
BNS - fourth, but first among right-wing
Although only 16 votes ahead of "Attack" coalition BNS ranked fourth in our municipality. The motor of the campaign here was the regional leader of BZNS-People's Union Ekaterina Kaferinova, who was second on the list. From this position, she together with the local headquarters of the BNS managed to make a lot of Velingradians to remember "number 12" in the ballot. A successful move was also the meeting with Stefan Sofiyanski at the very end of the election battle at the Olympus Hotel in Velingrad. For the result of the BNS, a serious share is also held by the 140 illustrators from Krastava, who also supported their mayor M. Eyupov, also a candidate MP. Thus, in the municipality of Velingrad, the BNS took a leading place among right-wing parties - practically garnering almost as many votes as the ODF and the DSB combined. The result of the coalition in Velingrad is among the best for BNS in Pazardzhik region, but proved insufficient to win a mandate.
"Attack" - fifth at the first participation Without any election campaign in the municipality, no concerts, PR-actions, no structures and with only a few posters coalition "Attack" gathered 1205 votes. During the campaign none of the more famous faces of the coalition reached Velingrad, but the leader of the list Dr. Petar Beron is well known in our city.
The fans of "Attack" are mainly from Velingrad and are evenly distributed in the three neighborhoods. In the two sections in Roma neighborhoods "Attack" won 1 vote, and in the villages from the municipality - 13 votes, which is within the possible errors in filling the new integral ballot.
ODS - sixth place equal to "Weak 2" The weakest of the weak - this is the ODS's performance of the parliamentary vote in Velingrad. And if in Pazarjishi constituency the UDF managed to hold third place among the political forces and take one mandate, then in our municipality the UDF scored one of the lowest results for the district. Despite the visit personally of the leader Nadezhda Mihailova and almost the entire list of candidate-deputies, the Blues took 646 votes in Velingrad and reached the bottom in their current electoral history. This is more than four times less than in 2001. And what about the achievement of 1997, when in Velingrad the UDF won 10,122 votes? Or for "blue" Draginovo, where now the UDF has 5 (!) votes, for the large structure in the UDF-run Sarnitsa, which achieved 51 votes, for 0 votes in St. Petka, where the mayor is officially led by the UDF? There is much to ask and answer the leaders of the blue organization in Velingrad and to look for the mistakes in themselves, because a huge part of the blue voters have only the pain and the bitterness of the shattered hopes.
DSB - seventh, but still parliamentary The local structure of DSB established last year for the first time appeared in elections. The 643 votes she received were not many, but still equal the votes of the ODF coalition. And this is by no means unimportant against the backdrop of the constant battle for supremacy in the right political space and the upcoming new elections in the municipality. For the presentation of DSB helped the meeting with Ivan Kostov, who was definitely the politician who gathered the largest audience in Velingrad during the past campaign. With list leader Ekaterina Mihailova, DSB did not win a mandate from our district. The party has shown that it has potential, but it needs strong structures.
The names by winners and losers in the parliamentary elections are already clear. However, it is too unclear who and how will rule Bulgaria. With the many parties and the fragmented political space, the new National Assembly is remarkably similar to the two last local parliaments in Velingrad. Here for years we have been witnessing how (not) this multi-party model works. On the basis of this experience, we can predict that the search for stable management at all is a task that is difficult to solve and there is always the danger that every decision is penultimate. The experience in Velingrad shows that if stability is achieved, it is the result of compromises, agreements and interests that next stage blow it up. We can only hope that the big parliament will still be different from the small one.
Elena Baeva
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